Egypt’s best known journalist presents an indictment of Sadat’s domestic and international policies, finding his role of superstar of the media purchased at the. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the renowned Egyptian journalist, writes on the first page of Autumn of Fury that he was “very fond of Sadat as a man.” The reader. Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat During the few moments that passed between the murder of Sadat and the seizure of his.

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Sadat had found that vodka was a helpful stimulant Contrary to what Heikal reports, the Israelis have never demanded the expulsion of zadat Murabitun militia from Lebanon “on the grounds that they represent a threat to Israel’s security. Rather than guess mistakenly, he would do better to ignore Mohamed Heikal’s angry testimony and await a more solid account.

Autumn of fury: the assassination of Sadat – Muḥammad Ḥasanayn Haykal – Google Books

Please provide an email address. They are inaccurate and untrue. I just want to say that they contain untrue stories, far from the truth. The emphasis on Egyptian nationalism led to the loss of Arab support, both economic and political.

He would read the papers in bed, paying particular sadag to al1 the items concerning himself. Parts of Autumn of Fury may be true, to be sure, but how can the reader tell which ones?

Here, substantiating the charge that Sadat was self-indulgent and isolated, is an asssassination of the President’s daily routine:. A mint tea would be followed by dinner, Heikal condemns every one of Sadat’s major policies, including the expulsion of the Russian advisers ineconomic liberalization inand peace with Israel in Is he candid about his objectives or does he have hidden motives?


For Heikal’s charges to stick, he must be autmun suspicion and his reliability must be established. Email me if someone replies to my comment. Reasoned disagreement is welcome but not comments that are scurrilous, off-topic, commercial, disparaging religions, or otherwise inappropriate.

He usually woke up late, between 9: The argument’s credibility is diminished by Heikal’s scapegoating of Sadat for Egypt’s costly Yemenite adventures under Nasser and indicting him for not exploiting the Arab “”victory”” inwhile ignoring the military and political forces arrayed against him.

Opinions expressed in comments are those of the authors alone and assassination necessarily those of Daniel Pipes.

Autumn of fury : the assassination of Sadat / Mohamed Heikal – Details – Trove

Today, as the most visible and articulate keeper of the Nasserist legacy, his abiding desire is to reinstate Nasser’s reputation and policies. Egypt receive the latest by email: Go to Mobile Site. A caustic account of the career of Anwar Sadat, by Egypt’s most eminent journalist The Road to Ramadan, The Sphinx and the Commissarwhich amounts to a justification of his assassination by Muslim fundamentalists in October In return what had the Israelis conceded?

Sadat arrested the loyal opposition and mishandled the growing Islamic and Coptic movements. He repeatedly took priceless Egyptian antiquities off display at the Egyptian Museum and gave them to foreign friends. Nevertheless, Heikal’s book is very readable and, like David Hirst and Irene Beeson’s similarly one-sided biography, reflects a view widespread in the Arab world.

Heikal, a confidant of both Nasser and Sadat, broke with the latter in the aftermath of the October war with Israel; arrested in a mass crackdown on dissenters in Septemberhe spent the last days of Sadat’s regime a prisoner. The economic opening of Egypt in ended the effort to build a socialist economy and paved the way for maldistribution of income and massive corruption.



We read on one page that King Hassan of Morocco met the Prime Minister of Israel in April ; but two pages later, in the course of describing a meeting in SeptemberHeikal says that “King Hassan had from time to time met Israelis, but never one quite so highly placed as [Foreign Minister Moshe] Dayan. The Assassination of Sadat By. The absence of documentation—only a handful of footnotes and almost no attributions—makes it impossible independently to verify Heikal’s assertions.

Comments are screened and in some cases edited before posting. Still, one cannot dismiss as mere resentment Heikal’s description xutumn the new rich class of entrepreneurs created by Sadat’s economic policies, and its pervasive corruption; nor can one write off his remarks on Sadat’s growing political isolation and its outcome–popular unrest, communal violence, political repression, and the growth of underground anti-regime movements. Because he is building a case, Heikal neglects to mention that Egypt is today less militaristic, more democratic, richer, and freer than under Nasser.

For more information, click here. On the one hand, he dismisses as “an implausible story” documented accounts of Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi’s wanting to assassinate Sadat.

Heikal scorns Sadat’s surest claim against history, his trip to Jerusalem and the ensuing peace between Egypt and Israel, for producing no tangible rewards for Egypt the restoration of Egyptian sovereignty over the Sinai is relegated to a footnote and for authmn the Arab cause as well as Egypt’s historic role as leader of the Arab world.