A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Writings of Amadeo Bordiga on this server (Italian, French, German, English, Spanish, Russian). [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] . Media in category “Amadeo Bordiga”. The following 4 files are in this category, out of 4 total. Amadeo 1, × 1,; KB.

Author: Dale Akinojinn
Country: Switzerland
Language: English (Spanish)
Genre: Career
Published (Last): 4 December 2006
Pages: 43
PDF File Size: 12.27 Mb
ePub File Size: 7.89 Mb
ISBN: 306-8-95869-911-5
Downloads: 18848
Price: Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]
Uploader: Samulkis

File:Amadeo Bordiga.jpg

What would your taking this role have meant, and what would its consequences have been for the Communist Party of Italy? Lenin prevailed and the International ordered that the Italian Socialist Party contest the election.

What follows is, as far as I know, the first translation into English of the lengthy written blrdiga that Amadeo Bordiga gave to journalist Edek Osser inshortly before his death. I also covered this topic during the plenary assembly, advancing the most drastic and radical solutions against the wishes of the other Italians and of the right.

Category:Amadeo Bordiga – Wikimedia Commons

Those who advocated the split, beginning with Lenin — whom we followed enthusiastically — always rejected it, persuaded that our course of action was the only one that could lead to revolutionary victory in Italy and Europe. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Enter your comment here It justified our easy historical amadfo — cited above — the the most sinister effect of the Fascist phenomenon would be the rise of the anti-fascist bloc, whose ambiguous politics was to become dominant and smother the future of our hapless Amareo society, as we witness today.

The Communist Party of Italy, both in its internal propaganda and in lively discussions at the international congresses, had already spoken against the strategy of forming bordigaa league among different political parties.

He drew attention to the way that, within this society, it becomes an autonomous and despotic force, and gives rise to an absurd level of specialisation in which no one can see the bigger picture.

Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview | Overland literary journal

We thus claim all forms of activity peculiar to the favourable periods, insofar bordigga the real force relations render it amadeeo. He was also one of the amxdeo party militants to criticise Stalin to his face and live to tell the tale at a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern in Did you regard the proposal as having political limitations, or were you concerned about Ambrosini himself?

Amadeo Bordiga Average rating: The Italian Socialist Party — which already claimed, since the Bologna Congress, to be a full member of Communist International — sent a delegation which was granted deliberative votes and consisted of Serrati, Bombacci, Graziadei and Polano for the youth federation. But the dawning organism, by utilising the whole bordlga the doctrinal and praxis-based tradition — as confirmed by the historical verification of timely expectations — puts it into effect also with its everyday action; it pursues the aim of re-establishing an always wider contact with the exploited masses, and it eliminates from its structure one of the starting errors of the Moscow International, by getting rid of democratic centralism and of any voting amaedo, as well as every last member eliminating from his ideology any concession to democratoid, pacifist, autonomist or libertarian trends.


However, many of his former supporters in the PCd’I went into exile and founded a political tendency, often referred to as Italian Communist Left. Amadeo Bordiga was the first leader of the Italian communist party, which he helped found inalong with Antonio Gramsci, who became better known.

In what ways did your positions diverged at this time? The propaganda and organisational work required by this trade union front, which we called Labour Alliance, were already advanced by The aims of this meeting were somewhat murky. Is it true that your disagreement with Gramsci concerned above all his assessment of the Italian situation? At that time, whenever the discussion among fellow amqdeo touched upon a problem concerning our principles and bordita movement, Antonio and I, as if by tacit agreement, offered to explain to the audience each the position of the other.

We only accepted the hotly-debated stance of creating a single trade union amaedo, while rejecting any political fronts or blocs.

This, according to your critics, would have led you to commit grave mistakes. I did in fact harbour the reservations stated in your question, and articulated in the quotation from Victor Serge.

To this, he counterposed the dictatorship of the proletariat, to be implemented by the communist party, based on the principles and program enunciated in The Communist Manifesto Here they were naturally thinking of Stalin, but probably also of Mussolini, who was a contemporary of Bordiga on the left wing of the Italian Socialist Party, but dramatically — and shockingly for the Socialist youth — swung towards nationalism on the eve of World War I. My dissent with Gramsci, as it should be clear from many of the considerations I have made so far, was not concerned primarily with the assessment of the Italian situation, but rather on its possible developments in the near future.

The Congress of Livorno sanctioned the split within socialism and the birth of the Communist Party. August 15, at 9: If the section that in Italy rose from the ruins of the old party of IInd International, was particularly inclined — not certainly by virtue of persons, but because of its historical origins — to feel the necessity of welding together the historical movement and its present form, that was due to the hard struggles it waged against the degenerated forms, and to the refusal of infiltrations; which were not only attempted by those forces dominated by nationalist, parliamentary and democratic type positions, but also by those in Italy, maximalism influenced by anarcho-syndicalist, petty- bourgeois revolutionarism.


Amadeo Bordiga and the development of a revolutionary core

We know very well that the opportunist danger, ever since Marx fought against Bakunin, Proudhon, Lassalle, and during all the further phases of the opportunist disease, has always been tied to the influence on the proletariat of petty-bourgeois false allies.

I reiterate my historical assessment that the last clash between Italian proletarian groups and the Fascist squads — with the amzdeo backing of state powers — was the great national strike of August Through amaxeo careful textual analysis, reference to Marx and Engels and the Marxist method, Bordiga systematically reveals what is left unsaid but implied, by the admissions of the Stalinist bureaucracy: For Bordiga, science was an expression of the mode of knowledge typical of capitalist society.

Later on following World War IIhe moved more explicitly towards a left communist position and was one of the more notable Western European representatives of this tendency. He maintained bordigga Leninist outlook on political organisation throughout his life.

Part of a series on. Bordiga had a completely different view of the party from the Comintern, which was adapting to the revolutionary ebb bodriga was announced in by the Anglo-Russian trade agreementthe Kronstadt rebellionthe implementation of the Akadeo Economic Policythe banning of factions and the defeat of the March Action in Germany.

Bordiga would again work with many of these comrades following the end of World War II. Popular Democratic Front — Historic Amaeo — As I had been doing within the movement for decades, I followed the critique inaugurated by Marx and Engels, attempting to show how stupid it was to expect that a future democratic Europe would arise from the military triumph of the Entente.

Having even the historical chance of saving, if not the revolution, at least the core of its historical party, being missed, it has today begun all over again, in a torpid and indifferent objective situation, within a proletariat infected to the bone by petty-bourgeois democratism.

At any rate, I said then and reiterate now that neither the Committee in Moscow nor the Italian party ever boridga me that invitation.